Djukanovic: We are determined not to allow the tragedy from the end of the 20th century to be repeated

Milo Đukanović, the President of Montenegro, heard exactly what he expected on Brdo near Kranj. The European Union's readiness to allocate 30 billion euros for infrastructure projects in the region seems commendable. He reminded that it was quite logical for the great powers that are trying to realize their interests in the Balkans to break into the vacant space of the EU.

He also warned of the ambitions of Serbian nationalists in the region and the instrumentalization of the Serbian Orthodox Church to achieve territorial goals.

Milo Djukanovic, as the seven-time prime minister, and the current president of Montenegro is acquainted in detail with the policy of the European Union towards the Western Balkans. He witnessed years of slowdown and subsequent complete stalemate in enlargement policy and the blurring of the hitherto clear European perspective of the Western Balkans. After the Summit on Brdo near Kranj, the journalist of the Slovenian Delo, Novica Mihajlović, talked to him.

What have been the consequences of the past years of European neglect of the Balkans?

Djukanovic: The first consequence was that the pro-European forces in the Western Balkans lost part of the reform driving force. If there is no incentive for reform efforts to be valued, and if a clear time frame is not defined, it is clear that over time the enthusiasm for reforms will pass. Another bad consequence is that when there is no European Union in one region, it is logical for others to break into its place.

Thus, third countries are entering today, trying to break through with their interests, and those interests are in conflict, not only with the European perspective of the region, but also with European unity and the European value system. This is not only a Balkan issue, but also a European issue.

In your opinion, did the peak on Brdo open space for optimism in the Balkans?

Djukanovic: In the document and what I heard during the discussion, Brdo opened space for new optimism. At the moment, I still can't judge what it will bring. The document and the discussion clearly confirmed that the enlargement policy continues and that the Western Balkans has its place in the united European family. Of course, we must respect the rules, accelerate reforms, reach standards, but the door is not closed to us.

The second message is the European investment plan, worth 30 billion euros, which should, after previously prepared projects in the governments of the region, provide funds, primarily for infrastructure – transport, energy and digital – for better connections with Europe.

When it comes to infrastructure investments, the influence of third large countries is most noticeable. Do you think that the EU can annul the Chinese influence in the Balkans with this package?

Djukanovic: It is completely legitimate for the great powers to try to realize their interests in the region. At the same time, I believe that it is legitimate and very responsible that the one who is most called to take care of the interests of a region, does just that. There is no doubt that the EU is the locomotive of the European continent. If it is not strong enough, others break through.

How does it feel in Montenegro?

Djukanovic: I will describe my conversation with my friend from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development approximately ten years ago, when we had a summit of 16 countries in Eastern Europe and China. China has prepared a lot of money for infrastructure investments, so he called me on the phone and asked what it was about. I replied: You know what, China is trying to do what you are not doing. Isn't it normal for Europe to notice the infrastructural shortage we have in Southeast Europe, and can't Europe really offer such or even better conditions through its banks than the conditions offered by China and its banks to countries in the region? Unfortunately, that did not happen during all those years.

Are you some kind of victim of just that?

Djukanovic: We also took one such loan for the construction of the highway. We are now about to complete this most difficult, most important and most expensive phase, worth almost a billion euros, and then decide with whom we will arrange loans and other types of partnerships for the next phases. I hope that everything that happened because of that loan aroused additional attention in Europe, to help us all together develop our continent, our economy and the European quality of life.

Many criticisms of Chinese financing of transport projects in the Balkans could be heard from the EU. What do you answer them?

Djukanovic: Maybe right now is the time to define the rules of the EU's business with others, including China, in a better and more responsible way. We could hear that this or that country was the target of criticism because of the loans of Chinese lenders. My question has always been, do you think that the rules of business of Europe or European countries with China must be determined by Montenegro? Is that the task of the European Union, ie the European Commission? If Montenegro, according to the EU, fully follows the Union in its security and foreign policy, why not follow it in economic policy? So the EU has to define the rules.

Of all the countries in the region, yours is the longest on the European path. Do you have any clues when there could be a shift in the direction of membership?

Djukanovic: Your impression is correct, and I can say about other countries in the region that their governments do not lack optimism, as far as their European future is concerned. However, each country has a different level of institutional relations with the EU. Montenegro has started the negotiation process, and opened all accession chapters, and is the only such country in the region. Serbia is about halfway there, and unfortunately Northern Macedonia has not even started that process yet, although it has been 15 or 16 years since they gained candidate status.

Due to its attitude towards Northern Macedonia, the European Union has imposed a rather difficult moral mortgage on itself. How can this relationship affect the relationship with the EU in the region?

Djukanovic: The Union has allowed bilateral problems to become obstacles, to become a factor in defining the expansion of Europe. Let us not forget that enlargement policy is the most valuable part of EU policy in the last few decades. So, allow yourself to let the bilateral problem make your most precious policy insecure.

There was no talk of membership deadlines again. Is that a disappointment?

Djukanovic: Unfortunately, we cannot talk about any deadlines because the EU still does not want to talk about the target year. I know that the initiative of the host country, specifically President Borut Pahor and Prime Minister Janez Janša, was to set an indicative time frame. This was avoided this time as well, although the commitment to the countries of the Western Balkans to join the Union was repeated. As far as we are concerned, we have clearly taken a radical turn by renewing our independence: we no longer want to be on the sidelines of the Balkans, we want to adopt a European system of values, to become an integral part of Western civilization.

If you decided today that you no longer want to become an EU member, what would it look like?

Djukanovic: It would be a long journey backwards, with a vague plan of what our alternative is. The only alternative is the Balkan roads, which will be manipulated by the Russians. That is quite clear. So, in theory, if the EU said that today is the end of the enlargement policy, I believe that Montenegro, where 70 to 75 percent of citizens still want EU membership, would continue to Europeanize its society. Of course, the goal is final membership, but we need Europeanization, reaching European standards, a European value system that will ultimately lead us to a European quality of life. That is what our people want and we do not deviate from that.

At least at first glance, the current democratically elected government does not push European values ​​to the forefront. How does this contradict the European aspirations of the citizens?

Djukanovic: Although the new government is considered anti-European, Greater Serbian and one that cultivates a policy of some irrational attitude towards the Serbian Orthodox Church and pro-Russian feelings, it is clear to that government that Montenegro is already far on the European path. It is clear to them that withdrawal from the NATO alliance and from the European path is not possible and that the government continues on the foundations of the previous government. The problem is that words alone are not enough. By acting, they need to prove that they belong to that value system. And this is where this new government stumbles on every specific issue.

Last year clearly showed the government's immaturity to meet what Montenegro's European goals are. And that, unfortunately, was also a time of the collapse of the state, in the economic, health, as well as institutional areas, and ultimately in the political area. With all due respect to the will of the citizens, I believe that the government has not passed the exam, and we are now experiencing noticeable changes in the mood of people who want a different government before the end of this term, for the country to return to winning the next stages.

Scenes of religious raids on the streets of Montenegro give the impression that the whole region still stinks a little too much in the 90s. Is that a wrong impression?

Djukanovic: I am even stricter in that assessment. It’s not reminiscent of the 90s, but that’s it. In the 1990s, Serbian nationalism promoted the idea of ​​all Serbs in one state. That was the official policy of Serbia, and they achieved that. Serbian nationalists from Sarajevo then shouted that their rights in Bosnia were threatened and demanded that Serbia protect their rights. Milosevic stepped into that noose and we know how horribly bloody it ended: with almost 150,000 human victims and an epilogue in The Hague.

And what now? Now it is about the Serbian world?

Djukanovic: Instead of all Serbs in one state, we have the slogan “Serbian world”. Senior officials of the Government of Serbia say that the task of the current generation of Serbs is to unite all Serbs and thus protect their, allegedly endangered national rights. It’s just a differently shaped same goal. All this, of course, was accompanied by a serious offensive, media, financial, intelligence, with the goal of achieving what they did not do in the early 90s.

What is the difference between today's time and the 90's?

Djukanovic: At that time, the Greater Serbia nationalists had many more instruments at their disposal. They had a federal army (JNA), federal laws – which, in addition to nationalist abuse, prescribed, among other things, that Montenegrin citizens had to respond to a call-up to the army, otherwise they were imprisoned. They had at their disposal the federal police, the customs, the security service, all the federal organs that they could abuse against those parts of the state that they saw as their prey.

Today, that is not the case, today the Serbian Orthodox Church is the only cross-border infrastructure of Serbian nationalism. If you simply tell someone in the West that there is a dispute between the state and a religious community in Montenegro, they will understand that the state is not flexible enough, and even if it is a state from the Balkans, with a communist past, it may immediately seem that everything is clear to them.

But they do not understand that this is not a question of religious freedoms, but a question of instrumentalizing the religious community to destroy the sovereignty of neighboring countries in order to realize the project of a greater Serbia, this time under the slogan of the “Serbian world”.

Can it pass?

Djukanovic: Now the market for a large-scale project is significantly narrow. Greater Serbian nationalism has lost its strongholds in Croatia and, regardless of whether they want to admit it, it has lost them in Kosovo as well. He was left with Montenegro and Republika Srpska in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Of course, they do not want to give up Republika Srpska, but the priority to attack is a serious risk, because Dayton is a product of the international community and its authors will defend that product very decisively and to the end. Nobody likes to go into conflict with the authors of Dayton, the Americans.

In this regard, Montenegro seems to them to be an easier prey. We in Montenegro are extremely determined not to allow a repeat of the tragedy from the end of the 20th century. The experience of the last few years has awakened Montenegrin patriotism to such an extent that it would be difficult for Serbia to do us a greater service.

Patriotism or nationalism?

Djukanovic: Patriotism. In our country, nationalism has never gained much momentum, besides, we have never threatened anyone with Montenegrin nationalism. Our policy was and remains that we do not want to fight against Serbian or any other nationalism with Montenegrin nationalism, but with the civic concept of our society.

I am firmly convinced that Montenegro can only survive as a state of citizens. If you look at the composition of the population, it is clear that the society of citizens is the shield that protects us from backward nationalism.

Despite the current commitment, several important members oppose the enlargement of the EU to the Balkans, because it is a sensitive internal political issue for them, and it gives an insincere tone to the commitment. How do you understand that?

What was Slovenia's role on your European path?

Djukanovic: She was, and still is, very friendly and responsible towards the Western Balkans region. Our experience from the time of the disintegration of Yugoslavia is that through our friendships with President Kučan, and later Drnovšek, we used the channels that Slovenia opened for us in the United Nations, and we will, of course, never forget that.

Not to mention the friendly role that Slovenia has played in establishing our ties with the US administration, and fortunately that friendship still lasts. I met with President Pahor and it is commendable that Prime Minister Janša organized the EU-Western Balkans summit in these circumstances as well.